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By Esther D. Reed

The belief of safeguard has lately obvious a surge of curiosity from political philosophers. After the atrocities of eleven September 2001 and seven July 2005, many prime politicians justified encroachments on foreign criminal criteria and civil liberties within the identify of defense and for you to retaining the rights of the folk. feedback have been made on either side of the Atlantic to the influence that the extremism of terrorism required the protection of the various to be weighed opposed to the liberties of alternative electorate. during this choice of essays, Jeremy Waldron, Conor Gearty, Tariq Modood, David Novak, Abdelwahab El-Affendi and others debate find out how to movement past the fake dichotomy wherein primary human rights and foreign criteria are conceived as anything to be balanced opposed to protection. in addition they study the declare that this goal may perhaps larger be complex by way of the inclusion in public debate of explicitly non secular voices.

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Additional info for Civil Liberties, National Security and Prospects for Consensus: Legal, Philosophical and Religious Perspectives

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If we say ‘No,’ it sounds as if we think the government should not take people’s fear seriously; I feel that this seems condescending to those who are afraid, telling them in effect that we will respond only to rational fears, not to the debilitating fear that they actually experience. On the other hand, we need to remember that pandering to exaggerated fears may also involve adverse effects on others. What if people’s irrational fears will not be allayed unless we incarcerate all young Muslim men in our cities?

10. Security as a public good It is sometimes said that security is a public good. , about aggregation and distribution), by virtue of what the economists call the nonexcludability or the non-crowdability of public goods. In The Logic of Collective Action, Mancur Olson observed that security and national defense are public goods: The basic or most elementary goods and services provided by government, like defense and police protection, and the system of law and order generally, are such that they go to everyone or practically everyone in the nation.

Which in turn produces a decision, the will to act or not to act as the case may be. What is marvellous about this, and for its day, highly original, is how it relegates reason to a sideshow to the main event, which is all about emotions – feelings, wants, aversions and so on. In this world of ‘blameless liberty’, we naturally desire what is good for us and seek to avoid what is bad for us; and above all for Hobbes, this entails fleeing from death. As Quentin Skinner puts it in his recent book Hobbes and Republican Liberty, it was for Hobbes obvious that ‘[w]e have a natural tendency.

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