By Giacomo Chiozza
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What Fareed Zakaria (2003, 15–16) aptly called the “democratization of violence” had struck home. Simple connections cannot be drawn between the existence of an ideological climate in which America is viliﬁed and its policies despised and the willingness to hurt the country and its people, as the literature on terrorist mobilization shows (see, in particular, Bueno de Mesquita, 2005). Terrorism expert Martha Crenshaw (2008, 6) has made this point very clear. Moreover, not all the forms of antiAmericanism are even remotely tainted with murderous intentions or criminal complacency.
Under Hollander’s deﬁnition, “anti-Americanism” covers a wide spectrum. S. involvement in Indochina, which was originally published in 1955, as well as the social doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church are taken by Hollander as examples of a “visceral aversion” to the United States. Given the disparate variety of critiques of the United States that would fall under Hollander’s all-encompassing deﬁnition, it is hard to tell what critiques would not count as irrational. In a similar vein, Josef Joffe (2004) tries to elaborate a set of theoretical criteria to distinguish between criticism of the United States and anti-Americanism.
For that to occur, views of the American people will have to improve as well. In Chapter 9 I summarize the main ﬁndings of this study and evaluate how the popular standing of the United States in the collective imagination of ordinary people worldwide informs the nature of the American world order. ch a pter t wo Two Theories on Anti-Americanism Introduction I f shelves in university bookstores count as reliable indicators of the fundamental political questions faced by a society, the message they convey in the early years of the twenty-ﬁrst century is clear: the position of the United States in the world has emerged as the central issue for international relations scholars.