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By Michael Marsh, David M. Farrell, Gail McElroy

"A Conservative Revolution?' examines underlying voter attitudes within the interval 2002-11. Drawing on 3 nationwide election reviews the e-book follows social gathering method evolution and voter behaviour from growth to bust. those information enable an unheard of perception right into a occasion approach and its electorate at a time of significant swap, because the nation went via a interval of swift development to turn into one in all Europe's wealthiest states in the Read more...


This booklet examines Irish balloting behaviour within the first many years of this century, with a specific specialise in the 2011 election - an election held at a time of deep fiscal crisis. Read more...

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Extra info for A conservative revolution? : electoral change in twenty-first-century Ireland

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As very good is 26 percentage points’ (Marsh et al. 2008: 165). This positive, multivariate result does not have the magnitude of the bivariate result. Also, it may appear rather moderate given the scope of the economic boom. Nevertheless, as the authors finally conclude: ‘The improved state of the economy undoubtedly helped the government’ (Marsh et al. 2008: 106). Such a conclusion has great importance, given that it comes from the inaugural INES, and given that it comes out of a rigorous testing programme.

A classic case of economic voting, in which voters punished those responsible for the obvious decline in their collective fortunes’. This conclusion receives a bit of qualification, though, when the magnitude of economic coefficients across these three elections are evaluated. 059 for Fianna Fáil) is largest in 2011, so ‘having its strongest effect in that year’ (Marsh and Mikhaylov 2014: 163, table 3). Besides this relatively large economic voting coefficient, the authors find that about 80 per cent of the respondents hold the government as ‘very’ or ‘extremely responsible’ for the crisis (Marsh and Mikhaylov 2014: 162).

Further research on recent Greek, Italian, Spanish, and Portugese elections may well shed light on the transferability of our findings to other ‘crisis’ European states. The second implication flows from the first. For if cleavage politics can reassert itself after a major party failure then this suggests that the bottom up perspective is not an appropriate way of interpreting the decline of cleavage voting. It is not that voters are more similar, it is that parties are competing on different policies.

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